The words of Patrick Henry reflect the feelings of many of our families, then and now. The very government he and our families were fighting to create, protect, and develop into a government Of the People, By the People, For the People is STILL OUR GOVERNMENT. The United States of America is STILL OUR COUNTRY. We've inherited it from those who came before us; it is OURS.
The issues we as American citizens now face are not the same ones our families dealt with then.
The words of Patrick Henry were a call not just for liberty, but a call to arms. Were he here today he would probably not include a call to arms, not literally, because it's not necessary. Other tools are at our disposal should we choose to use them. Yet the call, the call would be sounding loud and clear. But our arms are best used to hold each other up. We also have our voices and should be using them in whatever format we can.
Our families answered the call then, stood their ground, and stepped up to the plate to create, protect, and develop the government and the country that is now OURS. They did what they had to do in order to leave us the legacy of a future (our present) different from the past they had lived with, to AVOID the necessity for any future call to arms on American soil. The Civil War devastated our country, our homes, our families; it did not destroy them utterly or we would not be here. Nevertheless it is NOT something to be repeated EVER AGAIN in the United States of America.
Tempers rise; emotions flare; public and private forums are filled with frustration, fear, and angst - then and now.
Our legacy, this incredible magnificent country we call home, comes with one string attached: to continue what our families began. To continue to create, protect, and develop so that OUR legacy to those yet to come will not be diminished.
Frustration, fear, and angst are among us; we still have a job to do. Doing what needs to be done in spite of the frustration, fear, and angst - that's called courage. It's in our DNA, another part of our legacy. It's picking up the pieces and getting on with it. It's taking care of our families. It's making it through hard times so that OUR legacy continues.
The words of Patrick Henry spoke then; they speak now.
When enough is enough already WE THE PEOPLE need to stand our ground, speak up, and step up to the plate.
We need to take care of our own. Hoovervilles are not an option.
Depending on anyone except our own selves is not an option.
Let the DC boys play their games. We have lives to live, families to care for.
Nobody needs to tell any of us any of this. It's common sense. Hang in there together or hang separately.
Most of us are not wealthy. Most of us are not politicians. Most of us are just trying to get by as best we can from one day to the next. Many of us feel alone and afraid. We are not alone, although we may be afraid.
If you have a job, do it and don't gripe about it. If you don't, look around you. Someone close by could probably use a helping hand with something or other. Be that hand.
If nothing else, SMILE at the grouchiest person you know. Say hello. Nicely.
Then if you're so inclined, go on line and pontificate to your heart's content to nobody in particular.
Me, I'm just a little old lady in my silver years. I'm still working at a job I love although it's physically and emotionally demanding. I struggle to catch up on my bills and hope to do it while I can still work. I expect nothing from anybody; when I can't work any more I don't expect any Social Security. If my knees give out Medicaid isn't going to replace them for me. That's just the way it is and I don't expect anything different. Insurance is not in my budget. Doctors are not in my budget. Medications are not in my budget. If I get sick I'll either get better or die.
I wonder if Patrick Henry ever got off topic?
Bottom line here is that this too shall pass. Meanwhile we all need to try to help one another.
Patrick Henry, March 23, 1775.
No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my
sentiments freely and without reserve.
This is no time for ceremony.
The question before the House is one of awful moment to this country.
For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery;
and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country.
Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.
Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts.
Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty?
Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation?
For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.
I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past.
And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House.
Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received?
Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss.
Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and
reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging.
And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted?
Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on.
We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament.
Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation.
There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free-- if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending--if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained--we must fight!
I repeat it, sir, we must fight!
An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us!
They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary.
But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year?
Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot?
Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power.
The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us.
Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong
alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election.
If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston!
The war is inevitable and let it come!
I repeat it, sir, let it come.
It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter.
Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery?
Forbid it, Almighty God!
I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me
death!
